This whole thing got started because I got pissed off. Bitter, as it were.
But if you want to understand the politics of authoritarianism in America, the place to start is not with Trump, but with the cool-kid Founding Father of the Obama era, Alexander Hamilton.
The show is a Tony Award—winning smash hit, propelling its writer, Lin-Manuel Miranda, to dizzying heights of fame and influence. However, it should be granted one unqualified plaudit at the outset: And its construction and success tell us a lot about our current political moment.
Before it was even written, the play was nurtured at the highest levels of the political establishment. While working through its material, Miranda road-tested song lyrics at the White House with President Obama.
When it was performed, Obama, naturally, loved it. And in Washington, D. Admiration for the play crossed the political spectrum. So did Dick Cheney, prompting Obama to note that the wonder of the play was perhaps the only thing the two men agreed on.
Trevor Noah asked if Bernie Sanders, who had just seen the play, ran for president just so he would be able to get tickets. Rahm Emanuel, the mayor of Chicago and former White House chief of staff, raised eyebrows by jetting off to New York City to see a performance of Hamilton the night after Chicago teachers went on strike.
And after Trump won, Hamilton became a refuge. Given how Democrats, in particular, embraced the show and Hamilton himself as a paragon of social justice, you would think that he had fought to enlarge the democratic rights of all Americans.
He was an authoritarian, and proud of it. To assert Hamilton disliked democracy is not controversial. Better to steer safely clear of the freight train of publicity and money behind the modern Hamilton myth. One exception is amateur historian William Hogeland, who noted in a recent Boston Review essay that Hamilton had strong authoritarian tendencies.
His central role in founding both the financial infrastructure of Wall Street and a nascent military establishment which supplanted the colonial system of locally controlled democratic militias was rooted in his self-appointed crusade to undermine the ability of ordinary Americans to govern themselves.
We should be grateful not that Hamilton structured the essential institutions of America to fit his vision, but that he failed to do so. Had he succeeded, we would probably be living in a military dictatorship. Father of Finance Viewers of the play Hamilton have a difficult time grasping this point.
It just seems outlandish that an important American political official would argue that democracy was an actively bad system. But the idea of openly opposing the hallowed ideal of popular self-government is simply inconsistent with the past two hundred years of American political culture.
Indeed, the shifting popular image of Hamilton is itself a gauge of the relative strength of democratic institutions at any given moment.
Mellon was the third richest man in the country, famous for, among other things, having his brother and chairman of one of his coal mining subsidiaries extoll the virtues of using machine guns to enforce labor discipline. During the next decade, as populists put constraints on big money, Hamilton fell into disrepute.
In several men tried to organize an uprising against the Continental Congress. Morris was the wealthiest man in the country, and perhaps the most powerful financier America has ever known, with the possible exception of J.
His chief subordinate in the plot was a twenty-seven-year-old Hamilton, former aide-de-camp of George Washington and delegate to the Congress. After the war, army officers, then camped out in Newburgh, New York, had not been paid for years of service.
Morris and Hamilton saw in this financial-cum-political crisis an opportunity to structure a strong alliance between the military elite and wealthy investors. Military officers presented a petition to Congress for back pay.
Congress tried to pass a tax to pay the soldiers, while also withholding payments owed to bondholders. Hamilton blocked this move. After unifying investors and the military elite, Morris and Hamilton calculated that the military officer corps would threaten Congress with force unless the Articles of Confederation were amended to allow full federal taxing power by federal officials.
This coup attempt would then, they reasoned, force Congress to override state governments that were more democratic in their approach to political economy, and place aristocrats in charge.
The mutiny itself failed due to a public statement by George Washington opposing a military uprising. But in broader terms, the plot succeeded, once Washington promptly warned Congress about the unstable situation and urged that they take drastic action to centralize and federalize the structure of the American republic.I.
For Lords and Lamas Along with the blood drenched landscape of religious conflict there is the experience of inner peace and solace that every religion promises, none more so than ashio-midori.comng in marked contrast to the intolerant savagery of other religions, Buddhism is neither fanatical nor dogmatic--so say its adherents.
A collection of articles about Reporting from The New Yorker, including news, in-depth reporting, commentary, and analysis. Writing; The Secession of the South Essay; Secession in the South Essay Words | 3 Pages.
certain things they should not have to follow, many issues arise. In the late ’s, many issues emerged between the South and the Union on whether the Southern states had the right to secede from the United States.
The Southern states did have. Gene Kizer persuasively shows how the North fought the South out of necessity to prevent economic collapse. No where else is proof of this motive made clearer with indisputable evidence. It was another one of Obama’s breathtaking moments of hypocrisy, since he has repeatedly violated the territorial integrity of various countries, including in Syria where he has authorized.
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